PSA Repeal Debate Erupts: Owaisi and Sajad Lone Take Aim at Omar Abdullah

PSA Repeal Debate Erupts: Owaisi and Sajad Lone Take Aim at Omar Abdullah

Owaisi & Sajad Lone Slam Omar Abdullah Over PSA Repeal Remarks — A Law, A Legacy, A Political Reckoning

By: Javid Amin | 19 Oct 2025

PSA Repeal Promise Sparks Political Firestorm

The political landscape of Jammu & Kashmir has been jolted by Chief Minister Omar Abdullah’s renewed vow to repeal the Public Safety Act (PSA)—a controversial preventive detention law often described by rights groups as “draconian.”

But the announcement hasn’t landed as a triumphal moment. Instead, it’s opened old wounds and fresh confrontations. Two prominent leaders—Asaduddin Owaisi of All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) and Sajad Lone of Jammu and Kashmir People’s Conference—have sharply criticized Omar’s remarks, accusing him of selective outrage and political posturing.

Omar Abdullah’s Statement: “We Will Revoke PSA After Statehood”

Speaking at a press briefing in Srinagar, Omar Abdullah reiterated his party’s commitment to scrap the PSA once Jammu & Kashmir regains full statehood.

“When we released our manifesto, I made it clear that several promises can only be implemented after Jammu and Kashmir regains statehood. Repealing PSA is one of them. Once powers are restored to the elected government, we will do it through an ordinance,” he said.

Omar also emphasized that law and order currently lies with the Lieutenant Governor under Union Territory status, making it legally impossible for his government to act unilaterally.

But while Omar framed it as a future commitment, his statement reopened a deep political fault line—one that goes beyond party politics and cuts into Kashmir’s complex history with the PSA.

The PSA: A Law Born in 1978, Weaponized Over Decades

Enacted in 1978 by then Chief Minister Sheikh Abdullah, the Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act, 1978 was initially intended to combat timber smuggling.

But in the decades that followed, the law became a powerful political instrument—used by successive governments to detain individuals without trial for up to two years.

Key Provisions of PSA:

  • Preventive detention without trial for up to 2 years.

  • Grounds include threat to “public order” or “security of the state.”

  • Detainees often lack immediate judicial recourse.

  • Used against political activists, students, and protesters, especially after 1989.

Rights groups like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have long called for its repeal, terming it a violation of basic civil liberties.

“The law that was meant to stop timber smuggling became a tool to silence political voices,” remarked a Srinagar-based legal expert.

Asaduddin Owaisi: “The Law Was Misused by All”

AIMIM president Asaduddin Owaisi minced no words in his criticism.

“PSA is a draconian law. Every Chief Minister in J&K has misused it, including Omar Abdullah. It was Sheikh Abdullah who brought this law. And today, Omar is making promises when he knows he doesn’t have the power to act.”

Owaisi’s remarks are significant because it’s rare for national politicians outside Kashmir to take such a frontal position on PSA—a law that has shaped the contours of dissent in the region for decades.

His statement resonated strongly among civil liberties groups and brought uncomfortable historical facts back into focus:

  • PSA was introduced by NC’s founding leader.

  • Every successive government—including NC, PDP, and Governor’s rule—has used it extensively.

  • Over 20,000 individuals are estimated to have been detained under PSA since the 1990s.

Owaisi’s comments were seen as a moral and political challenge to Omar Abdullah: “Why now, not then?”

Sajad Lone: “Owaisi Said What Kashmiris Couldn’t”

Echoing Owaisi’s criticism, People’s Conference chief Sajad Lone took a sharper, more local angle.

“It’s the first time someone from outside Kashmir has called a spade a spade. Every CM and Governor has used PSA with impunity. If Omar is so against PSA, why didn’t he repeal it when he was CM earlier?”

Lone’s critique is strategic:

  • It questions Omar Abdullah’s political sincerity.

  • It repositions People’s Conference as a “truth-telling” opposition.

  • It appeals to young Kashmiris who have grown up under the shadow of PSA detentions.

His remarks also highlight a broader frustration in Kashmiri politics—promises made in opposition, ignored in power.

A Political Law Outliving Its Purpose

The PSA has become more than a legal instrument; it’s a symbol of the enduring tension between governance and rights in Kashmir.

Era Key Actor Use of PSA Context
1978–1989 Sheikh Abdullah’s Govt Introduced PSA Curbing timber smuggling
1990s Governor’s Rule + NC Expanded use Armed insurgency
2002–2014 Mufti Govt + Omar Govt Frequent detentions Unrest, protests
2019–2023 LG Administration Mass detentions post-Article 370 Preventive security
2024–Present Omar Govt under UT No repeal possible LG controls law & order

Omar Abdullah’s statement to repeal PSA after statehood raises legitimate questions:

  • Why didn’t previous elected governments act when they had full powers?

  • Will this promise be kept if statehood is restored?

  • Should PSA be reformed or fully repealed?

Legacy vs Accountability: A Delicate Balancing Act

This debate cuts to the heart of Omar Abdullah’s political legacy. As the grandson of Sheikh Abdullah—the man who introduced PSA—he faces a moral responsibility to address what the law has become.

But as a sitting Chief Minister without control over law and order, he also faces constitutional limitations.

His careful phrasing—“once powers are restored, we will act”—reflects both political calculation and administrative reality. Yet, critics argue that moral positions can’t be deferred indefinitely.

Broader Political Implications

This PSA debate is unfolding at a sensitive political juncture:

  • Statehood restoration debate is at the center of J&K’s politics.

  • Omar Abdullah is negotiating for more political space vis-à-vis the Lieutenant Governor.

  • Opposition parties like PDP and People’s Conference are positioning themselves as alternatives.

  • National voices like Owaisi are amplifying human rights concerns.

The exchange may also influence public sentiment among young Kashmiris, many of whom associate PSA with fear, uncertainty, and silenced dissent.

Voices from the Ground

“Omar talks about repeal, but many of us were detained under PSA during his tenure. Words don’t heal wounds,” — Former detainee from Pulwama.

“For years, PSA has been used like a hammer against students and protesters. If Omar wants credibility, he must show a roadmap,” — Civil rights lawyer, Srinagar.

These voices reflect a deep skepticism toward political promises that arrive late and sound conditional.

Expert Analysis: A Turning Point in Kashmir’s Rights Discourse?

  1. Symbolic Politics vs Legal Power:
    Omar Abdullah’s statement is symbolic, but it has reignited national scrutiny of PSA.

  2. Historic Baggage:
    Being from the family that introduced PSA, Omar faces a unique accountability test.

  3. Opportunity for Rights-Based Politics:
    If PSA repeal becomes a core election issue, it could reshape Kashmir’s political vocabulary from identity politics to civil liberties.

  4. Owaisi’s Role:
    Owaisi’s remarks nationalize the debate, bringing it outside the Valley’s echo chamber.

  5. Sajad Lone’s Positioning:
    Lone leverages the moment to undercut NC’s moral authority—a clever move before key electoral battles.

Bottom-Line: A Law, A Legacy, A Moment of Reckoning

The political storm over PSA is not just about a law—it’s about power, history, and trust.

  • For Omar Abdullah, it’s a reckoning with his family’s political legacy and the limits of his power under Union Territory status.

  • For Owaisi, it’s a chance to expose systemic hypocrisy.

  • For Sajad Lone, it’s a strategic jab to reclaim political relevance.

  • For Kashmiris, it’s a reminder of how a 1978 law continues to shape lives in 2025.

“The law that outlived its purpose may finally be on trial—not in court, but in the court of public opinion.”