Statehood remains unresolved, employment expectations are high and flagship welfare pledges face scrutiny as the National Conference government completes two years in office
By: Javid Amin | 15 October 2026
Srinagar, October 15, 2026: Two years after the National Conference returned to power in Jammu and Kashmir, the question facing Chief Minister Omar Abdullah is no longer simply what his government promised during the 2024 Assembly elections. It is how much of that programme has translated into tangible benefits for people, and how much remains dependent on financial constraints, administrative decisions or the Centre’s approval.
The government completes two years in office on October 16, marking a significant milestone for the first elected administration formed in Jammu and Kashmir after the region’s reorganisation as a Union Territory in 2019. The election had raised expectations of political restoration, stronger local decision-making, employment opportunities, relief from household expenses and protection of the region’s land and employment interests.
The National Conference’s 2024 manifesto presented these ambitions as a broad programme of political, economic and social change. It promised to fight for the restoration of Articles 370 and 35A, seek full statehood, address unemployment, provide free electricity and LPG cylinders to eligible households, improve public services and pursue the release or review of cases involving political detainees.
Two years later, the record is mixed. Some initiatives have been launched, budgeted or approved. Others have been modified, delayed or remain unresolved. The government points to its welfare programmes, recruitment efforts, infrastructure spending and continued engagement with New Delhi. Opposition parties argue that the gap between electoral assurances and delivery remains too wide.
The distinction matters. An announcement is not the same as a government order, a budget allocation is not the same as expenditure, and a recruitment notification is not the same as an appointment. For voters, the real measure is whether a promised benefit has reached the intended household, whether a vacancy has resulted in a job, or whether a political commitment has produced a concrete change.
Statehood remains the biggest political test
Restoration of Jammu and Kashmir’s full statehood remains the most consequential promise in the NC’s political programme.
The party campaigned on the commitment to pursue the restoration of the region’s former political status. After forming the government, Omar Abdullah continued to raise the issue with the Centre. The Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly also passed a resolution seeking restoration of statehood, making the demand an official position of the elected legislature. Yet Jammu and Kashmir continues to function as a Union Territory.
The government’s argument is that statehood cannot be restored through a decision by the Chief Minister or the Assembly alone. The decisive steps lie with the Union government and Parliament, within the applicable constitutional and legislative framework.
That is a real limitation on what the elected administration can deliver independently. It does not, however, remove the political responsibility of the NC to explain what progress it has made, what assurances it has received and what remains unresolved.
For many voters, statehood is about more than the title of the administration. It is tied to political accountability, the distribution of authority and the extent to which decisions affecting Jammu and Kashmir are made by representatives elected by its people.
The government can point to the Assembly resolution and continued advocacy as steps taken towards its commitment. But the promised outcome, restoration of full statehood, has not materialised.
Status: Pursued politically, but not delivered.
Article 370 and 35A: A promise to fight, not a power the government controls
The National Conference also promised to fight for the restoration of Articles 370 and 35A, which were central to Jammu and Kashmir’s former constitutional arrangement before the changes introduced in August 2019.
The party’s position remains politically significant, but the nature of the commitment needs to be understood correctly. The manifesto promised to pursue restoration; the elected UT government does not have the unilateral authority to reverse the constitutional changes through an ordinary executive order.
This creates a clear distinction between political advocacy and direct implementation. Statements, resolutions and representations to the Centre may demonstrate that the party has continued to pursue its position, but they do not amount to restoration of the former constitutional status.
The issue also remains a measure of political credibility for the NC. It returned to office after campaigning on the promise that it would continue to contest the changes of 2019 through constitutional and political means. Supporters may regard continued advocacy as fulfilment of that commitment to pursue the issue. Critics are more likely to judge the government by the absence of a substantive change in Jammu and Kashmir’s constitutional position.
Both the limits of the government’s authority and the wording of the manifesto must be considered when assessing this pledge.
Status: No restoration; political and constitutional advocacy continues.
Free electricity: From a universal-sounding promise to a targeted scheme
The promise of 200 units of free electricity became one of the most closely watched household-relief commitments in the 2024 election campaign.
The original pledge raised expectations among consumers struggling with electricity bills, particularly in a region where winters can bring a sharp rise in domestic power consumption. After taking office, the government moved towards a more targeted approach, citing the financial implications of extending the benefit to every household.
In February 2026, the Centre approved a project intended to provide 200 free units of electricity to approximately 2.23 lakh Antyodaya Anna Yojana families through the PM Surya Ghar Muft Bijli Yojana’s Utility-Led Aggregation model. The proposal envisaged rooftop solar installations for eligible households.
But approval did not mean that the promised electricity relief had already reached consumers. Reporting based on a government reply in the Assembly in September 2026 said the scheme was still awaiting implementation, with the process of selecting vendors for the rooftop solar model at the evaluation stage.
That distinction is central to the two-year assessment.
The government can point to a defined scheme, a funding and implementation model, and progress towards identifying beneficiaries. But the original expectation of free electricity for every household has not been met through a universal benefit. Even the targeted scheme had not been fully rolled out by the latest reporting cited here.
The policy also illustrates the challenge of turning an electoral guarantee into a financially sustainable programme. A targeted benefit may be more manageable for the public exchequer, but it changes the scope of the original promise.
Status: Targeted scheme approved, but rollout was still pending in late September 2026; universal delivery remains unfulfilled.
LPG relief: Six cylinders approved against a promise of 12
Cooking gas is another area where the difference between a manifesto commitment and the eventual policy has become politically visible.
The NC’s 2024 manifesto promised 12 free LPG cylinders annually for economically weaker sections. In the 2026–27 Budget, Omar Abdullah proposed six free cylinders a year for households covered by Antyodaya Anna Yojana, the public distribution system category intended for the poorest households. The government subsequently announced approval for the six-cylinder scheme in the Legislative Assembly in September 2026.
The decision is a tangible welfare step for eligible families, but it is not equivalent to the original promise. The number of cylinders has been reduced from 12 to six, while the eligibility framework is narrower than the broader economically weaker section category described in the manifesto.
The government can reasonably argue that the measure provides relief to the most vulnerable households and reflects the fiscal limits of welfare spending. The opposition, in turn, can point to the difference between what was promised before the election and what was approved two years later.
The key question now is implementation: when the scheme begins, how beneficiaries will receive the benefit, and whether the promised assistance will be delivered regularly.
Status: Six-cylinder scheme approved for AAY households; the original 12-cylinder commitment has not been fulfilled in its stated form.
Employment: Recruitment and entrepreneurship are not the same as jobs delivered
Employment remains one of the most important tests of the Omar Abdullah government’s performance.
The NC’s election programme promised a major youth employment push, including filling vacancies and creating opportunities for young people. The pledge resonated in a region where government employment is highly sought after and private-sector opportunities remain uneven across districts and sectors.
The government has pursued recruitment and entrepreneurship initiatives, but the scale of public expectations makes it difficult to judge progress through announcements alone.
Mission YUVA is a prominent example. According to a government response reported by Kashmir News Service in September 2026, the programme had received 1,00,407 applications by August 31. Of these, 36,077 cases had been sanctioned and 32,156 loans disbursed, with the government reporting substantial sums sanctioned and disbursed through the scheme.
These figures indicate activity in the creation of self-employment and enterprise opportunities. They should not, however, be treated as proof that an equivalent number of jobs has already been created. Applications, approved cases, loans and operational businesses represent different stages of the employment process.
Recruitment data also underline the need for a careful assessment. Reporting based on figures presented in the Assembly said the Jammu and Kashmir Public Service Commission advertised 357 posts in 2025–26, compared with 2,586 in 2023–24, while the Jammu and Kashmir Services Selection Board advertised 1,731 posts in 2025–26, compared with 5,044 in 2024–25. These are figures for posts advertised in different financial years, not a complete count of appointments made by the present government, but they illustrate why recruitment remains a subject of public concern.
The government’s employment record must therefore be assessed across several separate indicators: vacancies advertised, recruitment examinations held, selection lists issued, appointment orders completed, private-sector jobs created and enterprises that become viable and employ workers.
For a young applicant, the difference is immediate. A recruitment announcement creates hope, but an appointment letter changes a household’s financial position. Similarly, a loan sanctioned under an entrepreneurship scheme is an important step, but sustainable employment depends on whether the business opens, survives and generates income.
Mission YUVA may help broaden opportunities beyond government service. Yet its application and loan figures alone do not establish that the manifesto’s employment targets have been achieved.
Status: Recruitment and entrepreneurship initiatives are underway, but the full employment commitment remains unproven.
Daily wagers and temporary workers: The long wait for a settlement
Regularisation of daily wagers and other categories of temporary workers remains a difficult issue for the administration.
For many workers, the matter is not an abstract policy debate. It concerns years of service, uncertain income, limited benefits and the prospect of retirement without the security associated with regular government employment.
The NC’s broader welfare and employment commitments raised expectations that long-pending cases would receive a more definitive resolution. Yet committees, consultations and proposals do not by themselves constitute a comprehensive settlement.
A credible assessment needs to establish how many workers fall within each category, what eligibility rules apply, how much a regularisation policy would cost and whether the government has issued an enforceable order with a clear timeline.
The financial implications are substantial. Any large-scale regularisation programme must account for recurring salary expenditure, pension liabilities where applicable, sanctioned posts and the legal status of different categories of workers. These constraints may explain delays, but they do not eliminate the need for a transparent plan.
The government’s challenge is to move from general assurances to a published framework that identifies eligible workers, establishes priorities and sets out the implementation schedule.
Status: A comprehensive, publicly verifiable settlement remains a key unresolved test.
Women’s welfare: Some benefits have moved beyond announcements
Women’s welfare presents a more varied picture than a simple delivered-or-not-delivered label suggests.
The government announced free travel for women on government-owned public transport, including government-operated electric buses, from April 1, 2025. It also announced an increase in marriage assistance for girls belonging to AAY households, from ₹50,000 to ₹75,000. These measures were included in the government’s 2025–26 Budget programme.
Such initiatives can reduce household expenses and improve access to education, employment and public services. Free transport, in particular, can have a practical effect on women who depend on buses for daily travel.
However, individual welfare measures should not automatically be treated as fulfilment of every women’s welfare commitment made during an election campaign. Their reach depends on eligibility, service availability, funding and the number of beneficiaries who actually receive the assistance.
A proper scorecard should distinguish between schemes announced, schemes operationalised and the measurable benefits delivered. It should also report whether women in remote and rural areas have comparable access to the services.
Status: Some welfare initiatives implemented or expanded; the wider manifesto commitment requires scheme-by-scheme assessment.
Tourism: Economic activity is not proof that every tourism pledge has been delivered
Tourism is a major part of Jammu and Kashmir’s economy, supporting hotels, transport operators, guides, restaurants, artisans, pony owners, small traders and seasonal workers.
The NC manifesto promised to promote tourism and strengthen economic opportunities linked to the sector. But judging this commitment requires more than a general statement that tourist arrivals have been strong.
Tourism performance can change sharply because of security incidents, travel advisories, seasonal conditions, transport access and wider economic uncertainty. Visitor numbers also do not reveal how much income reaches small businesses or whether employment remains stable throughout the year.
A meaningful assessment would compare annual and seasonal visitor numbers, hotel occupancy, tourism receipts, the distribution of visitors across destinations, and employment or income data for people working in the sector.
The government can claim progress where specific projects, infrastructure improvements or promotional initiatives have been completed. It should not claim that the entire tourism promise has been delivered without evidence covering those wider outcomes.
Status: The sector remains central to the government’s economic agenda; full delivery requires measurable evidence on projects, earnings and livelihoods.
Healthcare and education: Infrastructure upgrades need outcome measures
Healthcare and education are two areas where the government points to improvements and new initiatives. Omar Abdullah’s account of the administration’s work has included expansion and upgrading of hospital infrastructure, including diagnostic facilities.
These are important areas of public service. Better diagnostic facilities can reduce the need to travel outside a district for certain tests, while improved schools and colleges can expand access to education.
But the existence of a project or a new facility does not establish that the entire manifesto commitment has been delivered. Healthcare performance also depends on specialist vacancies, staff availability, medicine supplies, waiting times, referral arrangements and the cost of treatment to patients. Education outcomes depend on teacher vacancies, classroom conditions, learning levels, access to higher education and the availability of subject specialists.
For a two-year assessment, the relevant questions are practical: How many facilities have become operational? How many additional patients can they serve? Have waiting times fallen? Have vacancies been filled? Have students gained access to better teaching and learning resources?
Without a comprehensive set of comparable indicators, a claim of “largely delivered” risks confusing infrastructure activity with improved outcomes.
Status: Development and upgrading work reported; the scale of improvement needs to be measured against service-delivery outcomes.
Land, jobs and local protections: Expectations remain high
Protection of land and employment interests was another important part of the NC’s political appeal. In Jammu and Kashmir, these issues carry economic as well as political significance because land is tied to agriculture, housing, family assets and local livelihoods, while public employment remains a major route to financial security.
Yet the extent to which the elected government can change the legal framework depends on the specific law, the authority responsible for it and the applicable constitutional arrangements. A political statement supporting local protections is not the same as a statutory safeguard, and a proposal is not the same as an enacted law.
The government’s record should therefore be judged by identifiable changes: legislation introduced and passed, rules amended, administrative orders issued, and evidence showing how those measures affect residents.
Opposition parties have criticised the NC for failing to deliver structural changes on land and job protection. The government, meanwhile, has to explain which measures it can implement directly and which require action by the Centre or other authorities.
Status: Political advocacy continues; a claim of full delivery would require evidence of specific legal or administrative changes.
PSA, UAPA and political detainees: A promise that needs transparent accounting
The manifesto’s commitments concerning the Public Safety Act, political detainees and cases against young people are particularly sensitive because they touch on civil liberties, public safety and the rule of law.
The NC promised to pursue changes to the existing framework and seek relief for people facing detention or cases associated with the period following 2019. But a comprehensive assessment cannot rely solely on general statements that cases are being reviewed or that limited progress has occurred.
It requires verifiable information: which cases have been reviewed, how many detainees have been released, how many cases have been withdrawn or concluded, and which decisions remain with courts, investigating agencies or other authorities.
The government cannot unilaterally dictate judicial outcomes or override legal procedures. At the same time, it can be expected to explain the steps taken within its jurisdiction and the progress made on the commitments it pledged to pursue.
The absence of a clearly documented, comprehensive review would leave voters without a reliable way to assess this part of the manifesto.
Status: Progress remains difficult to quantify from the available public reporting; a transparent, case-based account is needed.
Political rights and the Union Territory framework
The restoration of an elected Assembly was a major development in Jammu and Kashmir’s political life after years without an elected government. But the return of an elected administration did not restore all the powers associated with full statehood.
The Union Territory arrangement places important responsibilities, including police and public order, outside the direct control of the elected government. This affects the administration’s ability to act independently across some areas of governance.
The distinction is important when assessing both achievements and shortcomings. It would be inaccurate to attribute every administrative limitation to the Omar Abdullah government. It would be equally inaccurate to use the Union Territory framework as a blanket explanation for every unfulfilled promise, particularly those involving welfare budgets, scheme implementation, recruitment processes or administrative efficiency.
The fairest assessment asks three questions: Was the promise within the elected government’s authority? If it was not, what concrete steps did the government take to pursue it? If it was within its authority, what explains the gap between the commitment and delivery?
This approach makes room for genuine institutional constraints without removing accountability from the elected administration.
The opposition’s criticism and the government’s defence
The BJP, PDP, People’s Conference and Awami Ittehad Party have criticised the NC government over the pace of delivery on several promises, including statehood, employment, land rights, electricity relief and welfare measures. The NC has maintained that it is working towards public welfare and implementing its commitments within the limits of the available framework.
The opposition’s strongest argument is that the NC chose to make these commitments during the election campaign and must now be judged against the language it used to seek votes. The government’s strongest defence is that some of its most prominent political pledges depend on decisions outside the elected administration’s direct authority, while major welfare programmes carry significant fiscal and implementation challenges.
Neither argument settles the question on its own.
The opposition cannot establish failure merely by pointing to a delayed outcome if the decisive authority lies elsewhere. The government cannot establish success merely by pointing to an announcement, committee, budget proposal or meeting with the Centre.
The public needs a record that separates promises pursued from promises delivered, and distinguishes completed benefits from schemes that remain at the planning or approval stage.
A more meaningful manifesto scorecard
The figures and star ratings sometimes used in political report cards can make a complex record appear more precise than the available evidence permits. Counting two promises as delivered, five as partially delivered and seven as pending, for example, depends on how each promise is defined and whether several related commitments are counted separately.
A more useful assessment of the NC’s two-year record is to examine the status of each major commitment and the evidence supporting it.
| Major commitment | Assessment as of October 15, 2026 |
|---|---|
| Restoration of Article 370 and 35A | Not restored; the party continues to advocate for restoration |
| Full statehood | Not restored; Assembly resolution and political engagement are steps towards the demand |
| Review of PSA/UAPA cases and relief for detainees | Publicly available evidence does not establish comprehensive fulfilment |
| 200 units of free electricity | Targeted scheme approved for AAY households; implementation remained pending in late September |
| Free LPG cylinders | Six cylinders approved for AAY households, below the manifesto’s 12-cylinder promise |
| Employment generation | Recruitment and Mission YUVA activity underway; the full jobs commitment has not been demonstrated |
| Daily wager regularisation | Comprehensive settlement remains unresolved in the available reporting |
| Women’s welfare | Some benefits, including free government public transport, introduced; wider commitments require separate assessment |
| Tourism promotion | Economic importance is clear; delivery needs to be measured through visitor, revenue and livelihood data |
| Healthcare | Infrastructure upgrades reported; full outcomes cannot be established from project announcements alone |
| Education | Improvements and initiatives reported; comprehensive outcome data are needed |
| Land and job protections | Political advocacy continues; full delivery requires evidence of specific legal or administrative changes |
| Democratic empowerment | Elected Assembly restored, but full statehood and associated powers remain unresolved |
This is an editorial assessment of the available public record, not an official government audit. “Not demonstrated” means the evidence reviewed does not establish complete delivery; it does not automatically mean that no work has taken place.
What the third year must deliver
The third year will be important because the administration now has two years of experience in office and a clearer record of the obstacles facing its programme.
On statehood, voters will look for concrete progress beyond resolutions and meetings. On electricity and LPG, they will want to know when approved schemes will become operational, who qualifies and how the benefits will be delivered. On employment, they will look for completed recruitment, appointment orders and evidence that entrepreneurship programmes are creating sustainable livelihoods. Daily wagers will expect a credible framework and timetable rather than another round of assurances.
The government also needs to publish a more accessible account of its manifesto progress. A public dashboard showing each promise, its responsible department, the relevant order or budget provision, the number of beneficiaries and the implementation timeline would make it easier for citizens to distinguish progress from political messaging.
Such a record would help the government demonstrate what it has achieved and allow the opposition to scrutinise what remains pending on the basis of evidence.
Bottom line: Two years later, the test is delivery
As the Omar Abdullah-led government completes two years in office, its record contains both tangible policy steps and significant unfinished commitments.
Some welfare initiatives have advanced beyond the announcement stage. Others, including the electricity and LPG promises, reveal how the final policy can differ from the original electoral pledge. Employment programmes are active, but applications and sanctioned loans cannot substitute for evidence of actual, sustained job creation. Statehood and the restoration of the former constitutional status remain unresolved political commitments, while the status of several other promises needs clearer public documentation.
The government deserves to be assessed against the powers it actually holds and the resources available to it. But voters are also entitled to judge it against the commitments on which it sought their mandate.
Two years on, the central question is therefore not whether the NC has done nothing, nor whether every delay can be blamed on the Centre. It is whether the administration can demonstrate, promise by promise, what has changed in people’s lives, what remains unfinished and when the outstanding work will be completed.
For the National Conference, the next phase will be decided less by the number of promises repeated and more by the number of commitments that become measurable outcomes.
