Ruhullah Mehdi’s exit has triggered allegations of political engineering, while reports of possible resignations inside Altaf Bukhari’s party raise fresh questions about regional politics in Jammu and Kashmir
By: Javid Amin | 04 November 2026
Srinagar: Jammu and Kashmir’s political landscape is entering another unsettled phase. The National Conference is dealing with the fallout of Aga Syed Ruhullah Mehdi’s departure, its legislators are pressing the leadership over internal grievances, and the Altaf Bukhari-led Apni Party is facing reports that eight to nine prominent leaders may be considering an exit.
The developments have revived a politically charged question: is the fragmentation of regional parties simply the result of internal dissatisfaction and electoral uncertainty, or is there a wider strategy at work to weaken them?
National Conference leaders have put a name to their suspicion — “Operation Lotus” — accusing the BJP of exploiting internal divisions to push influential leaders out of regional formations. But the allegation remains unproven. There is, so far, no publicly established evidence connecting the BJP to Ruhullah’s decision or to the reported discontent inside the Apni Party.
That distinction should not be lost in the political noise. The emerging story is not yet proof of a coordinated operation. It is, however, evidence of a period of considerable political instability in which established parties are struggling to contain dissent, retain leaders and defend their relevance.
The Ruhullah exit: where the Operation Lotus allegation began
The immediate trigger was Ruhullah’s announcement on November 3 that he was leaving the National Conference and submitting his resignation from the Srinagar Lok Sabha seat.
The break ended a 24-year association with the party and followed months of public disagreement with its leadership. Ruhullah had accused the NC government of failing to honour its political commitments on Article 370, constitutional rights and other promises made during the 2024 Assembly election campaign.
His departure was therefore not presented by him as a routine disagreement over positions or organisational responsibilities. He framed it as a matter of political principle and accountability.
The National Conference, however, interpreted the development differently. On November 4, senior party leader and Hazratbal MLA Salman Ali Sagar accused the BJP of having succeeded in pushing Ruhullah out of the party. Sagar described the episode as “Operation Lotus” and argued that the BJP had benefited from the weakening of a major regional political formation.
Sagar also referred to the earlier departures of Devender Singh Rana and Surjit Singh Slathia, both of whom left the National Conference and joined the BJP in 2021. For the NC, these episodes form part of a pattern in which influential regional leaders move towards the BJP, weakening the party’s organisational strength.
But there is an important difference between identifying a political beneficiary and establishing that the beneficiary engineered the event.
Ruhullah has publicly grounded his decision in his disagreements with the NC leadership. The party has alleged external involvement, but its public statements have not produced documentary evidence, financial links, communications or other independently verifiable material demonstrating that the BJP orchestrated his resignation.
The accusation is therefore a political charge, not a proven finding.
Now, the Apni Party: eight to nine leaders reportedly weighing an exit
The timing has become more sensitive because the Apni Party is now facing reports of a possible internal revolt.
According to a report carried by Kashmir media outlets citing the Kashmir News Network (KNT), around eight to nine prominent leaders are considering resigning from the party. A crucial meeting was expected to take place on Thursday, November 5, at the party headquarters in Church Lane, Srinagar, with party president Syed Mohammad Altaf Bukhari also expected to be present. The meeting was reported as a possible occasion for the leaders to decide whether to remain in the organisation or part ways.
The status of this report needs careful wording: the available reporting establishes that possible resignations were being discussed ahead of the meeting. It does not establish that eight or nine leaders have already resigned, nor does it identify a confirmed list of those preparing to leave. No official Apni Party announcement confirming a mass resignation was available in the reports reviewed.
That is a significant distinction. A group of leaders considering an exit is not the same as a completed split. The meeting may produce a compromise, a leadership assurance, a change in responsibilities or an actual departure. Until its outcome is confirmed, the party should be described as facing reported dissent rather than a formal break-up.
Nevertheless, the scale suggested by the reports is politically important. If several senior figures leave together, the consequences could extend beyond a few individual resignations. It could expose deeper questions about the party’s internal decision-making, leadership structure and future direction.
Why the Apni Party is vulnerable
Founded on March 8, 2020, under Altaf Bukhari’s leadership, the Apni Party entered politics promising a pragmatic alternative to the traditional National Conference–PDP contest. Its pitch emphasised engagement with New Delhi, restoration of political normalcy, protection of local interests and a focus on governance rather than confrontation.
The party also attracted politicians who had previously been associated with the PDP, the NC and other political formations. It sought to build a political identity around experienced leaders who could negotiate with the Centre while presenting themselves as an alternative to the established regional parties.
But the political space it attempted to occupy proved difficult to consolidate.
The Apni Party faced a credibility challenge from the beginning. Its willingness to engage with the Centre was presented by supporters as political pragmatism, but critics questioned whether the approach made it too close to New Delhi. The party rejected the suggestion that it was a proxy formation, arguing that dialogue and engagement were necessary to protect Jammu and Kashmir’s interests.
That debate became more consequential after the 2024 elections.
The Apni Party contested 46 Assembly constituencies but failed to win a seat, securing approximately 3.36 per cent of the vote, according to compiled election results. Its performance demonstrated that a party could attract experienced politicians and maintain a visible political presence without necessarily converting that presence into a broad electoral base.
The result did not make the party irrelevant. It did, however, leave it with a difficult organisational task: proving that it could grow beyond a leadership-centred formation and establish a durable support base among voters.
If the current reports of senior-level dissent translate into departures, they would deepen that challenge.
A party already struggling to establish electoral momentum cannot afford repeated uncertainty among its senior ranks. Each departure risks weakening local networks, creating confusion among workers and reinforcing the perception that the organisation has not settled on a clear political direction.
Three explanations for the emerging political churn
The simultaneous turbulence in the NC and Apni Party has encouraged speculation about a wider political design. But the available evidence supports several possible explanations, and they should not be treated as mutually exclusive.
1. Internal dissatisfaction is real — and may be enough to explain the turmoil
The National Conference’s problems did not begin with Ruhullah’s resignation. Discontent among a section of its legislators emerged after the October 27 cabinet expansion, with reports of meetings, demands for greater consultation and concerns about the distribution of political and administrative responsibilities.
The legislators’ reported grievances included ministerial performance, access to the party leadership and the role of advisers. The party leadership has sought to play down the differences, describing them as internal matters that can be resolved through discussion. Yet the repeated meetings and public statements show that the dissatisfaction cannot simply be dismissed as social-media speculation.
Ruhullah’s dispute was different in character. His public objections centred on the NC’s political commitments, particularly its position on Article 370 and the promises made to voters. The fact that his disagreement developed independently of the cabinet reshuffle is important: it would be inaccurate to reduce every NC grievance to one coordinated rebellion.
The Apni Party may also be experiencing its own internal problems. Its electoral performance, leadership arrangements and political positioning provide possible reasons for dissatisfaction among its members. Whether those factors explain the reported group of potential departures remains to be established.
2. Leaders are searching for political space
Jammu and Kashmir’s post-2019 political environment has unsettled old political calculations.
The constitutional changes of August 2019, the subsequent reorganisation of the former state, the restoration of an elected Assembly in 2024 and the continuing demand for statehood have changed the issues around which parties compete.
The National Conference returned to power with a substantial Assembly mandate, but its government now faces the difficult task of reconciling electoral promises with the limits of its authority as a Union Territory administration. The PDP is still attempting to rebuild its political standing. The Apni Party has not converted its organisational presence into Assembly seats. Meanwhile, Ruhullah’s departure has opened the possibility of a new political platform, although he has so far spoken more clearly about building a movement than launching an established party.
For politicians who believe their current organisations offer limited prospects, reassessing their options may be a rational political calculation.
That does not necessarily mean they are being recruited by another party. It may mean they are trying to identify where political influence, electoral opportunity and public support are likely to lie in the next phase.
3. The Operation Lotus allegation
The third explanation is the most serious: that the BJP is deliberately encouraging fragmentation within regional parties to weaken their influence in Jammu and Kashmir.
This is the allegation advanced by NC leaders, who point to the movement of senior leaders from the NC to the BJP and now to Ruhullah’s exit as evidence of a broader pattern.
There is a political logic behind the concern. Regional parties have historically been central to electoral mobilisation in the Valley. A fragmented regional political landscape can make it harder for them to coordinate opposition, sustain a common position on constitutional issues or challenge national parties across constituencies.
But political advantage is not proof of political orchestration.
To establish an Operation Lotus campaign in the present cases, evidence would need to go beyond the fact that regional parties are experiencing departures. It would require credible material showing coordination, inducements, pressure, negotiations or direction by an external political actor.
No such evidence has been publicly established in the material reviewed for this article. The Apni Party reports, in particular, describe leaders considering resignation but do not identify a BJP role or demonstrate that the possible exits are part of a common plan.
The allegation should therefore remain attributed to those making it.
The historical references: Rana and Slathia
The National Conference’s reference to Devender Singh Rana and Surjit Singh Slathia is politically relevant because both were prominent leaders from Jammu who left the NC and joined the BJP in 2021.
Their departures were a setback for the NC’s organisational presence in Jammu and were welcomed by the BJP as an expansion of its political reach in the region.
However, those defections cannot automatically establish a connection to Ruhullah’s departure five years later. Rana and Slathia made their own political choices in a different context. Ruhullah’s public explanation has centred on his disagreement with the NC’s position and performance on issues he considers fundamental to Kashmir’s political future.
The common feature is that prominent leaders have left a regional party. The circumstances, stated reasons and political destinations are not identical.
A serious political analysis must recognise that difference rather than combine every departure into a single, unproven chain of events.
Who benefits if regional parties weaken?
The answer is not as straightforward as it may appear.
The BJP could gain political space if regional parties lose organisational strength, particularly in constituencies where voters have traditionally supported the NC, PDP or other local formations. A weakened regional opposition can also reduce pressure on national parties and change the terms of political debate.
But fragmentation does not automatically translate into votes for the BJP.
Disaffected voters may abstain, support independent candidates, move towards a new regional platform or return to an established party. In Kashmir, where political credibility and public trust remain decisive, the political destination of voters cannot be inferred simply from the movement of party leaders.
There is also a potential opening for a new political formation around Ruhullah, should his proposed movement eventually acquire an organisational structure. But that possibility remains uncertain. His personal popularity, the response to his Budgam gathering and his criticism of the NC do not, by themselves, establish the existence of a viable statewide party.
The PDP’s experience offers a useful reminder. It built a significant political alternative over time, winning 16 Assembly seats in 2002, 21 in 2008 and 28 in 2014. That growth required more than dissatisfaction with the NC: it required a recognisable political identity, local leadership and an organisational network. The party’s later decline also showed how quickly political credibility can erode.
The same test applies to any emerging political force.
The counter-argument: are regional parties blaming outsiders for their own weaknesses?
There is another side to this debate, and it deserves attention.
Political parties often invoke external interference when internal disagreements become difficult to manage. Such allegations can shift public attention away from leadership failures, organisational weaknesses and unresolved grievances.
The NC, for instance, has to answer questions about why a prominent leader who spent 24 years in the party reached the point of publicly breaking away. It must also address why dissatisfaction among its legislators persisted after the cabinet expansion.
Similarly, the Apni Party must explain whether the reported discontent reflects differences over leadership, political strategy, organisational functioning or its electoral future.
If leaders are unhappy with their parties, their grievances cannot automatically be dismissed as the product of external manipulation. Political dissent is also a legitimate part of democratic competition.
At the same time, the absence of publicly available evidence does not prove that political engineering never occurs. It simply means that claims of a coordinated operation must be investigated and supported before being presented as fact.
The BJP, meanwhile, has its own political interest in the developments. But an allegation that it benefits from fragmentation is not equivalent to evidence that it caused it.
What should be watched next?
The coming days could provide more concrete answers than the current speculation.
First, the Apni Party meeting. The most immediate test is whether the reported eight to nine leaders submit resignations, seek organisational changes or reach an understanding with Altaf Bukhari. Their names, positions and stated reasons will matter more than the headline number.
Second, the NC’s internal settlement. The party leadership is under pressure to resolve the grievances of its legislators while managing the political fallout of Ruhullah’s departure. If more senior figures publicly distance themselves from the leadership, the crisis could become organisational rather than merely personal.
Third, Ruhullah’s next political step. He has spoken about building a movement and identifying people who can contribute to a new political platform. Whether that initiative develops into a party, an electoral front or remains an issue-based campaign will have consequences for the regional political balance.
Fourth, the BJP’s actual role and response. If the NC continues to allege political engineering, it must produce evidence. Equally, any demonstrable recruitment effort, inducement or coordinated intervention should be reported on its own facts rather than inferred from political outcomes.
Bottom line: political churn is visible; Operation Lotus is not yet proven
Jammu and Kashmir is witnessing a period of unusual political movement. The National Conference is dealing with Ruhullah’s exit and continuing internal discontent. The Apni Party is facing reports that several prominent leaders may leave. The PDP remains under pressure to rebuild, while the possibility of a new political platform has entered the conversation.
These developments are significant. They could alter party structures, electoral calculations and the balance between regional and national political forces.
But the central allegation requires a clear distinction: the political fragmentation of regional parties is visible; a coordinated BJP operation behind these developments has not been established by publicly available evidence.
The National Conference may believe it is witnessing a deliberate strategy to weaken regional politics. The Apni Party may be facing a serious internal test. Both deserve scrutiny on their own merits.
The real question is not simply whether Operation Lotus has reached Kashmir. It is whether the established regional parties can address their internal weaknesses, regain public confidence and offer a credible political direction before their discontented leaders and voters begin looking elsewhere.
For now, the clearest conclusion is that Jammu and Kashmir’s regional political landscape is in motion. Whether that movement eventually produces a larger realignment — or merely exposes the unresolved weaknesses of individual parties — will become clearer as the reported resignations and internal negotiations unfold.
