NC’s Biggest Internal Crisis Since Returning to Power? Three Rebel Meetings Put Omar Abdullah Under Pressure
By: Javid Amin | 04 November 2026
The National Conference is facing a test that goes beyond disappointment over cabinet berths. A group of legislators is organising, preparing a memorandum and seeking intervention from party president Farooq Abdullah. The question is whether this is a bargaining exercise that can be settled internally, or the beginning of a deeper challenge to Omar Abdullah’s authority.
The October 27 cabinet expansion was meant to strengthen the Jammu and Kashmir government by bringing more experienced National Conference leaders into the Council of Ministers. Instead, it appears to have opened a fresh fault line inside the ruling party.
Since the reshuffle, a group of unhappy legislators has reportedly held three closed-door meetings. Their continued consultations suggest that the anger has not faded with time. The emerging dispute concerns ministerial representation, but reports indicate that the legislators’ demands also touch on internal consultation, governance and the party’s political commitments.
At the same time, the resignation of Srinagar MP Aga Syed Ruhullah Mehdi has added another layer of pressure. His departure and the legislators’ campaign are separate developments, but together they have exposed a difficult moment for a party that returned to power promising to represent public aspirations in Jammu and Kashmir.
Three meetings, one growing message: The dissidents are not backing down
The latest meeting, held on Wednesday, November 4, reportedly took place at the Srinagar residence of Gurez MLA Nazir Ahmad Khan, popularly known as Nazir Gurezi. The New Indian Express described it as the third closed-door gathering since the cabinet reshuffle.
The earlier meetings were reported at the residences of Lolab MLA Qaysar Jamshaid Lone and Gurez MLA Nazir Ahmad Khan. Other reports have identified Gulmarg MLA Pirzada Farooq Ahmad Shah’s residence as the venue of a subsequent gathering. While the precise sequence and venues have not been consistently reported across outlets, the central development is clear: a group of legislators has continued to meet and coordinate rather than allowing the resentment to dissipate.
There is also a discrepancy over the size of the group. India Today reported that around 10 to 15 MLAs attended the November 4 meeting. The Hindustan Times reported 18 legislators at a closed-door meeting, while other reports have referred to a wider bloc of around 20 or more. These figures may reflect different meetings, attendance and estimates of the group’s wider support. They should not be treated as a confirmed roll call of a fixed rebel bloc.
The significance lies less in the precise number than in the repeated coordination. A single gathering could have been dismissed as an expression of disappointment. Three meetings, a shared charter of demands and an attempt to secure an audience with the party’s top leadership suggest a more organised campaign.
The cabinet reshuffle that opened the fault line
The immediate trigger was the October 27 expansion of Omar Abdullah’s Cabinet.
Four National Conference legislators were inducted: Ali Mohammad Sagar, Mir Saifullah, Shamim Firdous and Altaf Ahmad Wani. Their entry filled the available ministerial positions, taking the Council of Ministers to its maximum permitted strength of nine, including the Chief Minister.
For those who remained outside, the reshuffle was not simply a question of missing a ministerial title. It raised questions about seniority, political loyalty, electoral assurances and the way decisions were being made inside the party.
The Indian Express reported that dissatisfaction had been simmering since the government was formed in 2024. Some legislators felt that leaders close to the Chief Minister were receiving preference, while senior party workers and elected representatives were being overlooked. One NC legislator described the decision-making as arbitrary, arguing that those who had remained loyal to the party through difficult periods had again been left out.
The resentment also has a history that predates the latest reshuffle. During the 2024 Assembly campaign, Omar Abdullah made public assurances linking electoral victory margins to ministerial responsibilities. At rallies in Tangmarg, Sopore and Rajpora, he indicated that candidates securing strong victories could expect important portfolios or ministerial positions.
Those statements raised expectations among some first-time legislators. But the Assembly has only 90 elected seats, and the Council of Ministers is constitutionally restricted to nine members, including the Chief Minister. The gap between campaign expectations and the limited number of available positions was always likely to create disappointment.
That does not mean every disappointed MLA was entitled to a Cabinet berth. It does, however, help explain why the reshuffle became a flashpoint rather than a routine administrative exercise.
Mubarak Gul, Nazir Gurezi and other senior leaders: The faces of discontent
Several names have repeatedly appeared in reports about the internal unrest.
Mubarak Gul, the seven-time MLA from Eidgah and former Speaker of the Assembly, is among the most prominent. His exclusion from the Cabinet triggered anger among supporters, some of whom staged protests. Farooq Abdullah subsequently appointed him NC General Secretary after Ali Mohammad Sagar entered the government.
The appointment did not immediately settle the matter. Gul’s supporters had expected a ministerial role, and the organisational position was not necessarily viewed as an equivalent substitute. The Indian Express reported that Gul’s refusal to accept the General Secretary position further complicated the leadership’s effort to contain the resentment.
Nazir Ahmad Khan, who represents Gurez, has also been identified in reports as a dissatisfied senior legislator. His residence became the venue of the November 4 meeting, giving him a visible role in the unfolding consultations.
Qaysar Jamshaid Lone, the MLA from Lolab, has been associated with one of the earlier gatherings. Abdul Majid Larmi, a three-time MLA from Anantnag, has publicly expressed disappointment over his exclusion. His grievance has also been linked to the induction of Altaf Ahmad Wani, a relatively junior legislator from Pahalgam.
Bashir Ahmad Shah Veeri has also been mentioned among legislators unhappy with the reshuffle. However, reports do not establish that every leader named in connection with the dissent attended every meeting or has adopted an identical position.
That distinction matters. The dissident group may share dissatisfaction with the leadership, but it should not automatically be treated as a fully unified faction with a single political programme.
The charter of demands: More than a demand for ministerial berths
The most consequential development is that the legislators’ reported demands extend beyond Cabinet representation.
According to the New Indian Express, the group has discussed replacing four ministers who have been part of Omar Abdullah’s government since its formation in October 2024, making room for senior leaders who were left out in the latest reshuffle.
The reported demands also include the removal of Chief Minister’s advisers Nasir Aslam Wani and Shammi Oberoi, fulfilment of electoral promises, and a stronger political position on restoration of statehood and Article 370.
These demands, if maintained in the final memorandum, would make the dispute considerably more serious than a disagreement over ministerial appointments.
They challenge three areas of the party’s internal functioning:
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Cabinet formation: Who gets ministerial responsibility, and what weight is given to seniority, electoral performance and regional representation?
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Political decision-making: How much influence should elected MLAs have in government and party decisions compared with advisers and organisational functionaries?
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The party’s public commitments: How forcefully should the government pursue promises made during the 2024 Assembly election, particularly on statehood and Article 370?
The demand to review the position of the Chief Minister’s advisers is particularly revealing. It reflects a wider concern among some legislators that people without direct electoral mandates have significant access to the Chief Minister and influence over decision-making.
That is an allegation made by party legislators, not an independently established finding about the advisers’ role. But politically, it exposes a question that many elected representatives in coalition and single-party governments have raised: should access to the executive be determined primarily by electoral mandate, organisational seniority or the Chief Minister’s confidence?
The dissidents appear to be arguing for a stronger role for elected legislators.
Article 370 and statehood: The political argument behind the rebellion
The reported demands on Article 370 and statehood add a larger political dimension to the crisis.
The National Conference returned to power in 2024 with a manifesto that included a commitment to pursue the restoration of Jammu and Kashmir’s special status and statehood. The party’s position on these issues is central to its political identity and its appeal among sections of the electorate.
But the government operates within a changed constitutional and administrative framework. Jammu and Kashmir is now a Union Territory, and the restoration of its former constitutional status cannot be achieved through a resolution or a decision by the elected government alone.
The party can raise the issue politically, press the Union government and pursue constitutional and parliamentary avenues. Yet the gap between campaign promises and what the government can deliver has become a source of frustration.
The dissidents’ reported demand for a more assertive approach suggests that they believe the government is not doing enough to maintain the political position on which the party sought public support.
This is where the internal dispute begins to overlap with Ruhullah Mehdi’s criticism. His departure has been driven by a similar charge: that the National Conference leadership has failed to honour its political commitments on Article 370 and the rights of Jammu and Kashmir’s people.
The arguments are not identical, and the dissident MLAs have not announced a collective break with the party. But the overlap creates a difficult political situation for Omar Abdullah. The leadership is being challenged both by a former senior party figure who has left and by elected representatives who remain inside the organisation.
Farooq Abdullah’s intervention: Can the party president contain the crisis?
The focus is now shifting towards Farooq Abdullah.
The dissident legislators are reportedly seeking a meeting with the NC president, with Chief Minister Omar Abdullah also expected to participate. India Today and The Tribune reported that a meeting was likely on Friday, November 6. As of November 5, it had not yet taken place.
Farooq’s role is important for reasons that go beyond his formal position as party president.
He has led the National Conference through several political phases, including periods of electoral defeat, internal tension and difficult relations with the Centre. For many senior legislators, he remains a central authority whose intervention can help settle disputes that have become difficult to resolve through ordinary party channels.
His appointment of Mubarak Gul as General Secretary was an early attempt to recognise the concerns of a senior leader who had been left out of the Cabinet. But the response showed that an organisational position may not satisfy a leader whose supporters expected a ministerial role.
The coming meeting will therefore test whether Farooq can persuade the dissidents to accept a political compromise, or whether they will insist on concrete changes before withdrawing their campaign.
The leadership faces a delicate choice. A compromise that satisfies one group could create fresh resentment among ministers who may be asked to make way. A refusal to engage could deepen the impression that the party leadership is unwilling to consult its elected representatives.
Ruhullah’s resignation adds another layer of pressure
The internal unrest has coincided with the exit of Srinagar MP Aga Syed Ruhullah Mehdi.
On November 3, Ruhullah announced his resignation from the National Conference at a public gathering in Budgam, held on the 26th death anniversary of his father, Aga Syed Mehdi. He also announced his decision to resign from the Srinagar Lok Sabha seat and indicated that he wanted to build a political movement outside the party.
Ruhullah’s break with the party followed months of public disagreement with its leadership. His criticism has centred on the National Conference’s position after the abrogation of Article 370, the party’s electoral promises and its handling of issues such as reservations and political rights.
His departure is especially significant because he was elected to Parliament on the NC ticket in 2024 and had emerged as a prominent political voice in Kashmir.
He accused the leadership of abandoning the expectations of voters and criticised both Farooq and Omar Abdullah. He also hinted at forming a new political platform, although the precise shape and future of that initiative remain uncertain.
There is an important procedural distinction here: Ruhullah announced that he had sent his resignation from the Lok Sabha to Speaker Om Birla. The formal status of his parliamentary seat depends on the prescribed parliamentary process. His political announcement and the formal vacancy of the seat are not necessarily the same event.
For the National Conference, however, the immediate political impact is already visible. A prominent elected leader has publicly broken with the party at the same time that a group of MLAs is demanding changes from within.
The NC leadership’s response: Rebellion or family disagreement?
The National Conference leadership has sought to play down the possibility of a split.
On November 4, party MLAs Sajjad Shaheen and Salman Sagar addressed a press conference. Sagar said the differences arising from the cabinet reshuffle would be resolved in the coming days, describing the dissatisfied legislators as family members.
He also alleged that the BJP had succeeded in engineering Ruhullah’s exit through what he called “Operation Lotus”. Shaheen referred to remarks attributed to BJP leader Ram Madhav as part of the party’s argument. These are allegations made by NC leaders; they do not, by themselves, establish that the BJP orchestrated Ruhullah’s resignation.
The leadership’s public message is therefore twofold: the party is not on the verge of a split, and the internal disagreements can be settled through discussions.
There is a political logic to this response. Acknowledging an organised rebellion too openly could encourage further dissent, weaken the government’s image and provide opponents with an opportunity to portray the administration as unstable.
But dismissing the dispute as a routine family disagreement carries its own risk. The dissidents have held repeated meetings, articulated demands and sought a formal audience with the party president. Their actions suggest that they want more than private reassurance.
The leadership’s ability to bring them to the negotiating table will be a more meaningful measure of control than public statements insisting that all is well.
Why this is a serious test for Omar Abdullah
Omar Abdullah is facing a challenge on two connected fronts.
The first is administrative. The Cabinet expansion was intended to distribute responsibilities and strengthen the government’s functioning. Instead, the process has exposed dissatisfaction among legislators who feel they were overlooked or inadequately consulted.
The second is political. The National Conference’s return to power raised expectations among voters who wanted a stronger voice for Jammu and Kashmir’s political aspirations. The government is now being questioned by some of its own legislators over the pace and direction of its response to those expectations.
There is also a regional dimension. The Indian Express reported concerns about the representation of different parts of Jammu and Kashmir following the reshuffle. The dropping of Satish Sharma left mainland Jammu without a ministerial representative, while several Kashmir districts also remained outside direct Cabinet representation.
For a party that has to manage diverse political constituencies, regional balance is not simply a matter of symbolism. It can influence local leadership networks, public confidence and the ability of legislators to defend government decisions in their constituencies.
The present unrest therefore reflects more than a competition for ministerial office. It brings together questions of representation, political promises, internal democracy and the distribution of influence.
Could the dissidents bring down the government?
There is no confirmed indication, as of November 5, that the dissident legislators are preparing to withdraw support from the government or force a confidence vote.
Their reported strategy appears to be one of internal pressure: remain organised, submit demands and use their collective strength to secure negotiations with the leadership.
That is different from a formal move to destabilise the government.
The National Conference has a strong legislative position, and a group of unhappy MLAs does not automatically translate into a government-threatening rebellion. To put the government at risk, dissent would have to develop into a concrete withdrawal of support or another constitutionally significant move.
There is also no publicly verified list establishing exactly how many legislators are committed to the dissident campaign. Reports have cited different attendance figures and estimates of wider support. Until the group publicly identifies its members and announces a formal course of action, claims about a fixed bloc should be treated cautiously.
The immediate danger for Omar Abdullah is therefore less about the government falling tomorrow and more about the gradual erosion of authority inside his own party.
A Chief Minister who cannot keep his legislators aligned may find it harder to maintain political discipline, defend decisions and push through an agreed programme of governance.
What happens next? Three possible outcomes
The proposed November 6 meeting with Farooq Abdullah and Omar Abdullah could provide the first real indication of how the crisis will develop.
A negotiated settlement: The leadership could agree to greater consultation, organisational adjustments and a clearer mechanism for addressing legislators’ grievances. This would allow the dissidents to claim that their pressure produced results without forcing a public split.
A partial compromise: The party could offer selected organisational positions or assurances on political issues while refusing to alter the Cabinet. This might satisfy some legislators but leave others dissatisfied, particularly those who believe ministerial representation is central to the dispute.
A prolonged confrontation: If the leadership offers only verbal assurances and the dissidents refuse to retreat, the dispute could continue through meetings, public statements and pressure from supporters. That would not necessarily bring down the government, but it could weaken the party’s public image and complicate administration.
The decisive question is whether the leadership is prepared to address the substance of the complaints rather than simply persuade the legislators to stop meeting.
The bigger question: Can the National Conference manage its own expectations?
The National Conference’s latest crisis exposes a problem that many political parties face after returning to power: the expectations created during an election campaign can be much larger than the positions and resources available once a government is formed.
A party can promise representation, influence and a stronger political voice to multiple constituencies. But a Cabinet has limited positions. Not every senior legislator can become a minister, and not every campaign assurance can be translated into an immediate administrative decision.
That makes internal consultation essential.
If legislators believe that decisions are being taken by a small circle, dissatisfaction can quickly become organised opposition. If senior leaders feel that their experience and loyalty are being ignored, they may begin questioning the leadership’s priorities. And when public promises remain unfulfilled, the disagreement can move beyond party management into a wider political credibility problem.
The National Conference now faces precisely that combination.
Ruhullah’s resignation has given the party’s critics a prominent example of a leader breaking away over political commitments. The dissident MLAs, meanwhile, are testing whether the party’s internal structure still allows elected representatives to influence decisions.
The real test begins with the Farooq-Omar meeting
It may be premature to call this the National Conference’s biggest internal crisis since returning to power. The government has not collapsed, the dissidents have not formally withdrawn support, and the party leadership is still attempting to negotiate.
But it is no longer a minor disagreement over who received a ministerial berth.
Three closed-door meetings, a reported charter of demands, public resentment among senior legislators and the exit of a prominent MP have combined to create a serious political test for Omar Abdullah.
Farooq Abdullah’s intervention could help contain the dispute. Yet the success of that intervention will depend on whether it produces a credible settlement.
The National Conference returned to power with a mandate built around political change and the promise of representing Jammu and Kashmir’s aspirations. It must now demonstrate that those commitments can be managed not only in its public dealings with New Delhi, but also within its own party.
The question facing Omar Abdullah is no longer simply who gets a place in the Cabinet. It is whether the party can preserve unity without ignoring the concerns that have brought its own legislators to the negotiating table.
